Leapers Great Experience
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Leapers UTG 5th Gen 3. Elke is the founder and director of Tutu Studios in Sydney, Australia. Elke is devoted to helping toddlers and preschoolers grow into happy and confident little people through the discovery of dance. Cart 0. Licensing Creators Locations Contact Shop. Back Beverly F. Spell Dr. Annie W.
Spell, Ph. Asking women to narrate an experience of sexism provided women a sense of agency in describing and making sense of their experiences. Previous research has examined some of the individual and situational factors that may influence whether women confront sexist discrimination e. We built upon this work by considering three individual factors: prior experiences with sexism, feminist identification, and involvement in collective action.
After reviewing each of these, we will also address the situational variables that we investigated. To our knowledge, previous research has not examined this relation. Conversely, women who have perceived few past experiences with discrimination may have little practice confronting the perpetrator; not knowing what to expect, they may be more concerned about the possible consequences.
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Foster found that women who reported more past experiences with gender discrimination were more likely to use social support coping an engagement strategy and were less likely to use avoidance coping a disengagement strategy. Thus, we hypothesized that women would be more likely to confront sexism an engagement strategy if they have had more experiences with sexism. We also examined whether or not women who considered themselves feminists would be more likely to confront discrimination than those who did not.
Prior research indicates that women who hold egalitarian attitudes or show an awareness of sexism do not necessarily identify as feminists see Williams and Wittig ; Zucker Self-identification as a feminist likely suggests a deeper commitment to overcoming sexism e. Therefore, we expected feminist self-identification would be positively related to confronting discrimination. Collective action refers to efforts aimed at enhancing group status.
Commitment to feminist collective action is correlated with prior experiences with sexism Foster and reflects advanced feminist identity development see Downing and Roush ; Fischer et al. In addition, research has found that women with an activist orientation are more likely to publicly confront sexist remarks Swim and Hyers For example, confronting perpetrators may propel women into organizing around issues of sexism.
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These activities also may lead women to feel more empowered to confront discrimination in their own lives. Thus, we hypothesized that women who reported more past involvement in collective action would be more likely to report confronting sexism in their personal narrative. Some women may not confront under threatening or unpredictable circumstances despite either having previously experienced sexism, identifying as feminists, or having participated in collective action.
We expected situational factors would predict confronting after controlling for individual factors.
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The perpetrators of sexism can include a variety of people—such as teachers, peers, parents, bosses, and strangers—who vary in familiarity and status to the victim Fineran ; Leaper and Brown ; Swim et al. Research indicates that concerns about self-presentation are generally greater in unfamiliar situations such as interactions with strangers Deaux and Major In addition, interactions with strangers typically occur in public settings that may lead women to feel especially hesitant to confront.
Gruber and Smith conducted a relevant study in which they asked women to describe an incident of workplace sexual harassment that upset them the most, as well as how they dealt with it. Types of sexism include unfair treatment e. Although we assume that confronting any form of sexism is difficult for most women, it may be relatively easier to confront sexual comments and jokes than the other forms. Confronting unfair treatment may pose risks because this form of sexism likely occurs with powerful figures such as teachers. Similarly, unwanted sexual attention often may be perceived as frightening because it can involve violence or the threat of violence.
Sexual harassment and assault are real threats for college women Gross et al. Thus, in situations involving unfair treatment and unwanted sexual attention, women may choose to escape these situations rather than confront the perpetrator. We therefore hypothesized that sexist comments or jokes would be more commonly confronted than unwanted sexual attention or unfair treatment. In summary, our study investigated U.
In addition, we sought to identify individual and situational factors that promote or inhibit women confronting discrimination in their own lives. The current study took a mixed-method approach to understanding sexist discrimination.
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While these research methods have their own merits, a narrative approach provides a closer look at how women describe their own experiences of and responses to sexism without applying a priori definitions of what constitutes an experience with sexism. Our study had two aims.
Our second goal was to test two sets of factors as predictors of confronting sexism. To test these hypotheses, we conducted a logistic regression with the individual predictors in the first step and the situational predictors in the second step.
As explained later, only women provided narratives that could be used in the present study. Students received course credit for their participation. There was one measure on which the two sets of participants differed. Participants completed a survey including demographic information and questionnaire measures of past experiences of gender discrimination, coping strategies, and participation in collective action.
They also responded to an open-ended question concerning whether they identified as feminist. Each of these sections is described more fully below. Participants were debriefed after completing the survey. The scale consists of 20 items in four areas: sexism in distant relationships, sexism in close relationships, sexist discrimination in the workplace, and sexist degradation.
The mean rating across all 20 items was used as an index of personal experiences with sexism score. We created a separate coding category for ambivalent responses e. The total number of items checked was converted to a proportion score out of In a series of open-ended questions, participants were asked to describe one personal experience with sexism in as much detail as possible, including who was involved and where it took place.
If they had not experienced a sexist event, they could indicate this and skip the associated questions about the experience. Of the 18 cases that were not included, eight left the question blank, five reported never having experienced sexism, three reported not being able to think of any personal experiences of sexism, and two were vague or otherwise uncodeable. Following their description of the sexist event, they were also asked whether they confronted the person s responsible for the sexist event.
There were 11 participants who did not clearly indicate whether or not they confronted the perpetrator. Hence, the later analyses testing for predictors of confronting were based on participants. Each narrative was coded for perpetrator and type of discrimination. Thematic analysis Braun and Clarke was used to code the narratives.
All responses were reviewed multiple times by the first author and the specific coding categories were developed inductively. Once the categories were established, coding was performed by the first author and a female research assistant. The remaining narratives were coded by the research assistant.
An acceptable reliability was achieved for each coding category. Disagreements were resolved by consensus. If there was more than one person involved and they did not fall into the same category, the person who took the primary role was coded. To reduce the number of categories, familiarity and status were created as two superordinate variables. People in helping professions were excluded when testing familiarity because they conceivably could be familiar e.
Eleven participants referred to ambiguous perpetrators that could not be coded. Other school personnel includes coach and counselor. Unwanted sexual attention included verbal and physical sexual harassment.